N. KOTZIAS: Good day to all of you. It is a great pleasure for us to have the Vice Chancellor and Foreign Minister of Germany, Sigmar Gabriel, here with us. I must thank him for the kind and wise words he said about our country. I thank him for the great willingness to collaborate that he showed throughout his stay and the friendly climate in the talks with the Prime Minister, Alexis Tsipras, yesterday evening, with the President of the Republic, Prokopis Pavlopoulos, and with myself. First of all, I would like to note to the press that the two Greeks -- the couple that reported to the outpatient clinic following the attack in London -- are in good health and that no other Greeks were injured. And of course I would like to express, once again, as we did publicly, our support for and solidarity with the British people and their government. I believe it is terrible that there are people who want to take the place of nature and God -- according to their beliefs -- and determine whether people can live or be able-bodied and without the distress and feelings caused by terrorism. This is my friend Sigmar Gabriel's first visit to Greece as Foreign Minister. He has visited as Finance Minister, while our country has often had the pleasure of welcoming him for his short holidays. I am certain that we will continue and have other visits, that we will always have good weather and even better willingness to deal with the problems we have. You know that I think Greece and Germany are linked by great historical and cultural ties. I always interpret the history of the formation of the German nation as a history that led to the revival of ancient Greek letters and philosophy, because the German nation, as it was being formed, shaped its identity, and the great philosophers, writers and poets -- like Goethe and Friedrich von Schiller -- brought the wealth of Greek letters back into the mainstream. From this perspective, we, too, are part of the self-perception of the German people, and we looked upon our past again in a positive light thanks to this aspect of the shaping of the modern German nation. So we have many things in common; things that are strong despite the difficulties we went through during the 20th century. The Vice Chancellor and Foreign Minister and I have agreed to continue a number of initiatives and collaborations between Greece and Germany -- institutional as well as civil society initiatives -- in many, many sectors. From culture and education to economy and foreign policy issues. The cooperation between the two Foreign Ministries has intensified of late, and we agreed to continue at this pace. Today we discussed the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean region. We talked about the Cyprus problem, to which Greece, like all of the European countries, wants a peaceful solution. A solution that is viable and that is within the framework of international law. We all know that Greece -- the Greek government and I, personally -- believes that the Cyprus problem is above all a problem of occupation and the rejection of any thought of third-country rights of intervention in Cyprus. We, like Germany, are a country that believes in international law, that believes in the good functioning of the international organizations, that believes that problems must be resolved through consensus and dialogue. We had a long discussion over the course of these two days about the issues of the refugee crisis and migration, and we will continue with the two Ministers, Mr. Mouzalas and Mr. Toskas, following the press conference. What characterizes the Vice Chancellor and Foreign Minister is that he is a European politician, and we agree on the need to discuss and shape a positive future for the European Union. We agree that European integration safeguarded and safeguards peace and the interests of our peoples. Finally, my colleague and I discussed the implementation of the joint action plan and we explored how to further develop our cooperation. It is my hope that we will soon see him in Greece again, so that we can continue our dialogue -- which is to the benefit of both our peoples, of the region, and of Europe, I would say. And I would like to wish him and his children good health, because he is once again a new father, his third child having been born recently.I thank you once again for your visit.S. GABRIEL: Dear Nikos, I thank you warmly for your kind words. I have three daughters, and when a new baby comes into your life again, you really do wonder what kind of world these children will grow up in. What the world will be like when they've grown up or they reach the age when you became a father. Dear Nikos, you have a political biography that is impressive, and, in fact, you have lived through political persecution. I was born and raised in West Germany -- what was then West Germany -- and there was security and I was certain that I would live in a region where there would be security and prosperity. Today, however, if we reflect on what the future holds for us, particularly for the coming generations, one wonders whether the peace and prosperity we experienced in recent decades, at least in Germany, is still a certainty. We are experiencing it here, in your case. Many young people don't have work and have immigrated. And we also see that nationalism and violent conflicts have made their appearance in our daily lives. There are wars. There is a lot happening with the refugee crisis -- major refugee flows. So it seems that, when they grow up, our children will live in an environment more unstable that the one we grew up in. And one wonders what could make our lives more secure. This would be a stable Europe, a Europe not made up of one large country that guides developments. It is now the fashion among us, when one reads an article in the newspaper that refers to the responsibility all politicians have, and then, in the evening, to have some relevant proposals submitted. And what I highlighted during my visit here is that Europe is not just Germany. Germany is a stable country that has some power and wants to fulfil its responsibilities, and we know that we have to offer a lot in order to achieve this framework of security, but at the same time we have to say that each country, regardless of its size, is on the same level and does not look down on other countries. There are certainly different situations that each country has to deal with, and Greece is certainly facing economic problems and perhaps has other problems in various other sectors. I am certain that the Greek people, for a very long time now, have shouldered great burdens, and I also see that the politicians are being called upon to make somewhat difficult decisions in order to get the country out of the difficult situation it is in. If we consider what you have lived through here in Greece in recent years, we in Germany have experienced nothing similar, and things in Greece are complicated. We have great respect for your effort. This doesn't mean that we can't disagree, but I, at least, and many other politicians in Germany, very much respect your effort, and we ask ourselves, at this difficult time, how we will move ahead on the matter of European policy. Because the refugee issue, the issues arising with Turkey, and many other issues concern all of us. For example, regarding relations with Turkey, this isn't an issue that concerns only Greece -- it concerns the whole of Europe. The same also holds true in the case of the refugee issue: it isn't a problem that concerns only Greece or Italy or other countries. We should work together and try to move together in the right direction. It is very clear that the discussions and debates that took place regarding the extent to which Greece belongs in the Eurozone have ended definitively. Because Europe cannot become stronger through amputation. I have never seen a person who has suffered an amputation walk better afterwards. This also holds true in our case, in Europe. It is very important, but in this case reforms will be implemented on the level of countries and on the level of the Eurozone. The Eurozone needs to become much more of a tool for growth and employment. We cannot discuss economic stability when we do not have the economic growth to cover education, research and so on. Prosperity in the European Union is another issue. The European Union was created -- the European Communities then, with the ECSC -- because at that time we wanted to focus on peace, but coal played a very important role in European citizens' prosperity. We will not succeed in keeping Europe alive if we don't come up with solutions, if we don't give prospects to young people, particularly in the countries of southern Europe. We run the risk of losing a generation. Youth unemployment is at 40% in Italy, and it is at almost the same level in Greece. There was the thinking that the European Union offered hope for most people. Today, however, they hear about the European Union and they think of it simply as something geographical that doesn't lead to anything tangible for the people or peoples. Our country is a strong, powerful state, and we want to help. We know that, if we are to be successful, the other countries, too, have to be all right. We want to support your efforts as well. We produce more than we ourselves can consume, and, in the final analysis, we live on the need that exists in other countries to buy the products produced by us in greater quantities. I thank you warmly for the in-depth discussions we had today, as well as yesterday, with the Prime Minister, while I also had the honour and opportunity of talking with the President of the Republic. There are many, many issues we need to discuss, like the Syria issue, and I believe we will continue our effort. JOURNALIST: Mr. Vice Chancellor, you talked today about Europe's prosperity and the prospects for its young people. In Rome, too, we may hear more specific things about cohesion, about European solidarity, but mainly about another social Europe. I want to ask you how credible these declarations can be, considering that the President of the Eurogroup, Mr. Dijsselbloem, made those very divisive and racist statements about south – statements that Mr. Wilders might have made? Statements regarding which Mr. Schäuble essentially supported him today.S. GABRIEL: Allow me to interrupt you. My name is Gabriel, my name is not Dijsselbloem. The statement was unbelievable, and I think he recognised that himself, and he apologised, and according to the information I have, Mr. Dijsselbloem will not be in Rome. Of course, there is always the possibility of politicians' saying some nonsense, but sometimes that's natural. JOURNALIST: I have a question for both Ministers. The first question has to do with the refugee issue and the arrivals of refugees in the Aegean. Mr. Kotzias, in an interview you said, and warned, that there will be a new wave of refugees in the summer, and I want to ask you how the European Union and Germany can help Greece in this case. The second question has to do with Turkey. Europe has drawn a clear line regarding the accession negotiations, when there are issues like those we have been experiencing of late. I would like to ask you -- in the context of the upcoming referendum -- when the question of the death penalty is posed, should one just suspend these accession negotiations in any case? And a question that refers to what you said, Mr. Gabriel, that "Europe should not undergo amputation." In Greece there are a lot of reservations regarding various things Mr. Schäuble has said, particularly during the time of the major economic crisis here in Greece. S. GABRIEL: I just didn't want to be mistaken for Dijsselbloem, that's why I said my name is Gabriel. Mr. Gabriel isn't always an angel, you might say, and the German people certainly know me, but let's be serious. Of course we talked about the negotiations on the second review, and we in the German government – with Mr. Schäuble and with Mrs. Merkel – have talked about this issue and we are certain and know that Greece is a member of the Eurozone and will remain so. We will make every effort to bring the negotiations to a close by April, and that is our shared goal. I will tell you why we want this goal to be achieved. Because we believe that our friends the Greeks will live in a more unstable environment if these negotiations continue. Any development will become more difficult and there will be delays if these negotiations aren't completed. Because when the negotiations are so long and drawn out, it leads to unfavourable conditions. The negotiations exist precisely to resolve these difficult situations that have been created in Greece. Regarding Turkey. I would like to be sincere and I don't want to speak hypothetically, but when does one have the right, or when is one in a position to suspend the discussions and the negotiations with Turkey? And I ask you, if one does this, what will follow? Is it better not to talk to Turkey? Turkey is a member of NATO and is on Europe's border, and that is why I would like us to further discuss how we will return to a framework within which we will be able to find ways to carry out the discussions and the negotiations in an effective manner. In recent months, there has been a lot of discussion regarding this matter you raised. We mustn't draw hostile lines, we mustn't create enemies, because if one just points the finger at others, saying they're bad, then you are certain to have a problem. And I am also certain about myself. I am certain about the policy that we must follow. Europe has values, and this also holds true for its members. Regarding Turkey, we certainly aren't a short way from its accession, but under no circumstances should we close the channels of communication, even when things are difficult. What would happen if we closed all the channels of communication and we could no longer have answers regarding how to handle Turkey's case? Turkey, from a geographical perspective, will remain where it is. It won't suddenly appear somewhere else on the map. Certainly, there are often pressing issues on the level of domestic policy, but I argue that we have to make every effort to convince Turkey that the path it is on is not the right path, and at the same time we need to keep the channels of communication open. And regarding the refugee issue, we believe that Turkey has an interest in keeping its promises. It has three million refugees in its country, and the agreement with Europe includes economic assistance. I assume that Turkey has a strong interest in the continuation of this agreement. But you are certainly right in your comments, because if there is some unfavourable development on this issue, Greece will be the country that bears the greatest burden. I also know the rules deriving from the Dublin regulation, and I am of the view that the repatriation of the refugees would be one solution. You already have a lot of people on your islands, and Germany really has taken its share of responsibility for relocation, etc. There is also very close cooperation with Greece. We are trying to lend financial support as well, on the order of €10 million, and we will make even greater efforts in this direction. But I don't think the issue of the Dublin regulation should be discussed, particularly in the case of Greece, because there are other countries that are not dealing with the refugee issue, and I think we also need to look at the proposals that come out of the Summit during Malta's presidency, where there are three specific points on which we would like to base the path we follow, rather than just having an abstract discussion of some issues. N. KOTZIAS: I thank my colleague. I would like to thank the interpreters for the job they are doing, because without them we couldn't always communicate well. Again, I thank the interpreters. Regarding the three-part question. With regard to Turkey, there are three attitudes in Europe: The first is, "in spite of this." The second is, "for this reason," and the third is, "otherwise." The first says that, in spite of Turkey's conduct, we have to continue to fight so that Turkey can become as democratic and European as possible. That is our stance. That is, it is in the interest of Europe, in particular, but also of Greece, for us to have a Turkey that does not conduct itself as it is conducting itself right now. So we want a more democratic and European Turkey. The second view says that, due to Turkey's conduct, we should sever our relations. It reminds me of the first five years of the 1990s. And the third view -- which also has a certain weight -- says that maybe we should find other ways of communicating with Turkey. I will give you my opinion in a single phrase. We want a democratic European Turkey. It isn't our problem. It is Turkey's problem. Does it want to be European and democratic? It is up to Turkey to decide whether it wants a European path. It is up to Turkey to decide whether it wants to adopt European values and implement the prerequisites of the European perspective. We are open, and we want Turkey's answer to be: "yes, we will get back on the path of our European course." Turkey will decide whether it wants to leave this path. We will not take it off this path, and nor will we give anyone in Turkey an excuse to say that Europe, for some reason, doesn't want this country to join it. And the second question. We will continue our discussion with the Minister regarding the economic migrants and the refugees. I thank him very much for what he said -- and the way he said it -- about the Dublin regulation. I want to remind you that Greece invented the term hospitality, and all through the initial period of the refugee crisis -- and even today -- the Greek people showed a great deal of hospitality, and I also want to say that, despite the problem we have with migration and the refugees, and apart from isolated exceptions, there were no instances of extreme right or fascist conduct. The Greek people's sense of hospitality could not be undermined by the situation. And I would like to make a more general comment. That despite the many crises Greece is facing -- economic, financial, regional instability -- Greek democracy is functioning, proving that when an institutional system has a proper foundation, while at the same time the people's feelings are open to others, we are on the right European path. That is why, when various neighbours say that, for one reason or another, they are diverging from their democratic path, this is not acceptable to us. Institutions have to be able to endure. Now, might there be a big wave of refugees? I'll tell you, I don't fear this in the sense that someone is intimidating me. Because, you know, as soon as you intimidate someone, you no longer have any card in your hand, and I think that the other sides think about this: that it is not in your interest to play the intimidation card. I want to say one thing. We have a major negotiation on Turkey's place in the EU-Turkey customs union. Some €65 billion is at stake. I think Turkey will take this carefully into account when considering its conduct. Thank you very much.
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