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Sunday, November 4, 2012

A Crusading Journalist's Arrest Spurs Greek Anger


NPR

A Crusading Journalist's Arrest Spurs Greek Anger
NPR
The Greek government faces widespread condemnation for prosecuting Kostas Vaxevanis, a 46-year-old investigative journalist who recently published the names of Greeks who may have sent billions to Swiss bank accounts. Vaxevanis, one of Greece's ...
RPT-INSIGHT-Greek "tax cheat" lists yield one suicide, no convictionsReuters
Prosecutor Probing Venizelos, PapaconstantinouGreek Reporter
I Took Action on 'Lagarde List': Former Greek Finance MinisterCNBC.com

all 48 news articles »

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Greek winery wants to go worldwide


Greek winery wants to go worldwide
San Antonio Express
It's not very often that you see Greek wines on a standard restaurant list. That is something Christina Boutari hopes to change with her Boutari wines. As the oldest producer of fine wine in Greece, this family knows Greek wine. Although Boutari is a ...


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Left unity vital in Greece as far right grows


Left unity vital in Greece as far right grows
Socialist Worker Online (blog)
Working people in Greece are facing increasingly attacks on their living standards and civil liberties. The radical left coalition SYRIZA came close to winning government in June elections on an anti-austerity program, but fascist forces are are ...


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The Dividend Growth Stocks Of Greek Shipping Tycoons


The Dividend Growth Stocks Of Greek Shipping Tycoons
Seeking Alpha
The Greek economy makes news for all the wrong reasons. It's hard to remember that not long ago, the mention of a Greek business chief executive often called forth images of fleets of ships and a glamorous lifestyle that included racing Formula 1 race ...


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Greek Orthodox leader slams clergy for encouraging IDF service


Haaretz

Greek Orthodox leader slams clergy for encouraging IDF service
Haaretz
The conference in Upper Nazareth, to which dozens of young people were invited, especially Christians from the Nazareth area, was attended by Defense Ministry officials and two priests, Greek Orthodox Father Jubrail Nadaf and Greek Catholic Father ...


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Why should we save the houses of the rich and famous? | Catherine Bennett

The row over the sale of Edward Heath's house has highlighted our ludicrous obsession with preserving the nation's past

For the second time in two years, Sir Edward Heath's old house, the grade II listed Arundells, has been closed to the public, with the aim of selling it off. This is in complete defiance of his wishes. Although he lived in the place for no more than 20 of his 89 years, two decades out of the roughly four he dedicated to sulking, Heath's will was dedicated to keeping the place open, along with its outstanding collection of nautical doodads, as a personal shrine. A charitable trust was set up to do this. If some question the philanthropic benefits of a Heath memorial, the precedent may encourage all those who hope, for instance, to see John Prescott's famous downstairs lavatory, defiantly redecorated by Pauline during the couple's time of trouble, or to touch the actual elephant lamps that landed the Goves in so much grief. In Heath's case, there is neither the cash nor the visitors to keep going. The National Trust has said it would not take it on for less than £8m.

Rather touchingly, given Heath's incredible unpopularity even within his own party, and his friendly associations with mass murderers and tyrants, the trust's decision to sell up and spend the remaining money on charitable activities has elicited some passionate defences of the Arundells legacy. On the Daily Telegraph letters page, one writer has called the closure a "tragedy".

Wisely, Heath's supporters have accepted that the posthumous discomfiture of a widely detested man may not be the most persuasive argument in their armoury. Rather, they invoke national heritage and the tragedy of losing any of it, even the fraction that Ted Heath refurbed. "How harshly History would have judged the Churchill family if they had succeeded in selling Chartwell which is now an iconic piece of our heritage," caution the Friends of Arundells, a group dedicated to saving the house. Like Chartwell, the Friends say, Arundells provides "a means of assuaging our curiosity as to how powerful and influential people lived". Even with the house closed, the illustrated Arundells website remains a great curiosity assuager, at the same time that it prompts questions that must remain forever unanswered. Was this upmarket version of dictator style copied by Heath from his important friends or was Heath, on the contrary, the original model for all the chandeliers and illuminated display cabinets, the gilt, marble and column -mounted busts favoured by tyrants the world over? Do the knickerish festoon blinds and entrail pinks of the dining room tell us anything significant about a man famous for his staggering rudeness to women? How often did Heath play his grand piano, when the top was littered with silver-framed photographs of his smirking self adjacent to one famous scoundrel or another? And how can the preservation of this vainglorious tat, in a house that could easily find a buyer, conceivably be passed off as a worthwhile charitable project?

It will certainly have enhanced Heath's claims on posterity, that, after cunningly wresting its ownership from the Cathedral, he invested in the kind of listed, historic property that, unlike Mrs Thatcher's executive home in Dulwich, immediately entitles the owner to proclaim oneself a custodian of the nation's heritage. Even when these houses are permanently closed to the public, their owners, if the Historic House Association is any guide, are likely to consider their costly maintenance or "stewardship" enough reason for tax breaks and subsidies not available to the struggling owners of uglier, newer or nonexistent properties. Have pity, for instance, on historic house owners who now dread a mansion tax on properties they can barely afford to run as it is. "In the past 10 years or so one in eight such houses has had to sell works of art – often abroad – to help finance major repairs," the HHA president wrote to the Telegraph, as if daring readers not to laugh. How many stewards of non-historic houses have sacrificed as much?

Thanks, above all, to the National Trust, since it made sheltered housing for feckless aristocrats its publicly funded mission, the British have become remarkably tolerant about appeals for help from unimaginably wealthy homeowners, as well as fantastically sentimental about celebrity homes. While Heath's supporters fight for the right of Arundells and its hideous paint-jobs to rank alongside Salisbury Cathedral, friends of the great travel writer, Patrick Leigh-Fermor, are agitating to save his villa in Greece and, closer to home, friends of Ringo Starr are celebrating a reprieve from demolition – in the face of an indifferent National Trust – of the notable drummer's birthplace.

If Ringo fans were unmoved by the argument that he only lived at 9 Madryn Street for three months, and some time before his immortal Octopus's Garden, there could be no better testament to the trust's amazing success in persuading the public of the power of furnished property, no matter how vulgar, artificial or otherwise unprepossessing, to connect visitors with the past. Even when a house does not, in the words of James Lees-Milne, the saviour of strapped aristocrats, breathe "that ineffable spirit essential to the legendary purpose of the country house", the National Trust experience is intended to take you back. "Imagine walking into the kitchen where John's Aunt Mimi would have cooked him his tea," it urges visitors to John Lennon's house. At 18th-century Shugborough, where the latest Lord Lichfield is presumably breathing his ineffable spirit out of sight of the paying public, it suggests that the animistically inclined "try out the beds in the new servants' bedroom" (check first, house closed October-March).

On this basis, maybe the Friends of Arundells have a point. In comparison with the trust's circumscribed invitations to bounce on the reconstructed beds of imaginary skivvies, the chance to imagine oneself as a solitary Sir Edward, engaged, say, in his favourite hobby of scrawling abusive marginalia on an unflattering biography, is positively enticing. Now that the trust has democratised, as it had to, the credentials for a building's preservation, almost no house, and certainly no famous person's house, can be disrespected as built heritage. With the Lennon and McCartney homes now official, publicly funded historic destinations, it is understandable that Heath and Leigh-Fermor should have thought that their respective houses, stuffed with authentic kit and only recently vacated, were legacies equally deserving of support.

Had they not coincided with national bankruptcy, civil unrest, grievous public suffering and pleas from Greek archeologists for help in saving their country's classical heritage from ruin, current efforts to transform Leigh-Fermor's Peloponnese home into a permanent writers' retreat might have looked quite normal, proportionate and not even a curious way to celebrate a celebrated nomad. Instead, thrown into Greek relief, the British determination to preserve certain, arbitrarily selected homes from estate agents is exposed for what it often is: excruciatingly poor taste.


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Greece flirts with tyranny and Europe looks away | Nick Cohen

Greek democracy is in peril and much of the fault lies with the EU's hard stance

When those madcap Scandinavian satirists awarded the Nobel peace prize to the European Union, they let everyone in on the joke by praising its commitment to "reconciliation, democracy and human rights". If the committee's 2012 citation were anything other than a spoof, you would have read denunciations of the rise of oppressive state power and neo-Nazism in Greece from concerned Euro commissioners long before now.

The EU denounces threats to freedom of speech in Viktor Orbán's Hungary with vigour. European politicians worry with good reason about the fate of independent institutions that stand in the way of the rabble-rousing regime. They notice the fascistic element in the new Hungarian right's flirtations with antisemitic and anti-Roma hatreds and its willingness to indulge the revanchist fantasy that Hungary can regain the lands it lost after the First World War. On the fate of Greek democracy there is silence, however, although there is much that Europe's leaders might talk about.

You spot the pressure points of a failing state by looking at what it censors. In the case of Greece, the authorities' prosecution last week of Kostas Vaxevanis showed that he had hit a pressure point with the accuracy of a doctor sticking a needle into a nerve. While Greeks live with austerity without end, while Greek GDP has shrunk by 4.5% in 2010 and 6.9% in 2011, and will shrink by a predicted 6.5% this year and 4.5% in 2013, the list of the names of 2,000 Greeks with bank accounts in Switzerland Vaxevanis published, suggested that the well-connected were escaping the burdens that fall on the masses.

"Instead of arresting the tax evaders and the ministers who had the list in their hands," thundered Vaxevanis in a call to arms that stirred the blood, "they're trying to arrest the truth and freedom of the press."

His acquittal on privacy law charges, though welcome, was less important than it appeared. It did not mean that freedom of the press was secure in Greece. Even in good times, independent journalism has rarely been a force in the land. Most Greek TV stations and newspapers are owned by either the state or plutocratic corporations, neither of which likes seeing corruption exposed. The leftwing daily, Eleftherotypia, which for all its faults and flirtations with terrorism at least challenged the oligarchs, filed for bankruptcy last year.

Few of the employees of the remaining Greek news organisations reject the notion that they should keep quiet in the interests of holding on to their pay cheques. The state is hounding too many of those who do. "We still have freedom of expression recognised by the law at a theoretical level," said Asteris Masouras, one of the free speech monitors at Global Voices. "On a practical level, well..." And he proceeded to give me a list of instances of menacing forces intimidating reporters that would go on into the New Review section if I ran it in full.

Where to begin? How about the self-defeating austerity policies the troika of the European Central Bank, European Commission and International Monetary Fund have forced on Greece? The authorities used an old warrant to arrest Spiros Karatzaferis, after the journalist threatened to reveal confidential emails, that might have explained how the troika's alleged "rescue package" had pushed the country into depression.

Police brutality is another pressure point, undoubtedly. The Greek left makes persistent allegations of collaboration between the supposed forces of law and order and the thugs in the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn movement. The Guardian ran reports that the police had beaten up anti-fascist demonstrators after they had confronted Golden Dawn. Yes, I know leftists call everyone "fascists" from headteachers to their mums and dads, but as Golden Dawn is building a mass movement while marching under a swastika, the term is correct on this occasion. The following day, Greek state TV replaced Kostas Arvanitis and Marilena Katsimi, the presenters of its morning news show, after they told managers they planned to follow up the Guardian's claims. Another state TV reporter, Christos Dantis, has joined the ranks of the vanishing journalists. His editors assigned him to cover the celebrations of the centenary of the liberation of Thessaloniki from Ottoman rule. He was about to report on popular protests against the presence of the Greek prime minister and president in Greece's second city when his masters turned off the camera and cut to a more amenable hack.

All the Greek journalists I spoke to emphasised that Athens was not Beijing or Tehran, but they described how the liberal certainties they once held now appeared flimsy. Helena Smith, our superb Athens correspondent, says that she feels as if she is standing on shifting sands. If the centrist coalition fails, and the troika's punitive demands have condemned it to failure, then the left opposition in Syrzia will probably take over. After that, Golden Dawn, maybe? No one knows. Nothing is unthinkable in a climate of fear and hopelessness.

One can say with certainty that old alliances between extreme political and extreme religious movements are reviving. Hence, last month Christian fanatics and neo-Nazis (and the difference between the two is fine) protested against a "blasphemous" play with a homosexual theme in Athens. The theatre's management duly pulled it. Greek television cut a scene from Downton Abbey that featured a gay kiss. No one can explain why but a country that censors Downton Abbey on any grounds other than literary taste is in grave trouble.

British Eurosceptics do not understand that the European Union once offered an escape to a liberal future for the peoples of Europe. When I visited Athens in the early 1980s, the old could remember fighting the Nazi occupation and the young had grown up in and on occasion fought the military dictatorship the colonels imposed. Joining the European Union meant saying goodbye to all of that. Now poverty, fear, suppression and state intimidation are back.

You can blame the corruption Greek society tolerated. You can blame the bankers for the crash. But you must also apportion blame to Europe's politicians and bureaucrats who accepted Greece (and the rest of southern Europe) into a single currency area that has put them at a permanent competitive disadvantage and refused to write off debts Greece can never repay.

No wonder they stay silent about the abuse of the human rights the Nobel prize committee insisted European integration guaranteed. Greece is the Eurocrats' very own Weimar on the Aegean. They helped build it.


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